Monday, September 28, 2009

Drug Enforcement Administrations And Its Criticism

The DEA has been criticized for placing highly restrictive schedules on a few narcotics, which researchers in the fields of pharmacology and medicine regard as having medical uses. Critics assert that some such decisions are motivated primarily by political factors stemming from the US government's War on Drugs, and that many benefits of such substances remain unrecognized due to the difficulty of conducting scientific research. A counterpoint to that criticism is that under the Controlled Substances Act it is the Department of Health and Human Services (through the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institute on Drug Abuse), not the DEA, which has the legal responsibility to make scientific and medical determinations with respect to drug scheduling; no drug can be scheduled if the Secretary of Health and Human Services recommends against it on a scientific or medical basis, and no drug can be placed in the most restrictive schedule if DHHS finds that the drug has a currently accepted medical use.The DEA is also criticized for allegedly focusing only on the operations from which it can seize the most money, namely the organized cross-border trafficking of heroin and cocaine. Some individuals contemplating the nature of the DEA's charter advice that, based on order of popularity or numbers of persons addicted, the DEA should be most focused on marijuana or, based on order of danger; the DEA should be most focused on locally freebased "crack". Others suggest that, based on opiate popularity, the DEA should focus much more on prescription opiates used recreationally, which critics contend is far more widespread than heroin use. Some scheduled substances are extremely rare, with no clear reason behind the scheduling of 4-Methyl-aminorex or bufotenine.

Related Links:
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Monday, September 21, 2009

Factors Involved In An Aesthetic Judgment

Judgments of aesthetic value seem to often involve many other kinds of issues as well. Responses such as disgust show that sensory detection is linked in instinctual ways to facial expressions, and even behaviors like the gag reflex. Yet disgust can often be a learned or cultural issue too; as Darwin pointed out, seeing a stripe of soup in a man's beard is disgusting even though neither soup nor beards are themselves disgusting.

Aesthetic judgments may be linked to emotions or, like emotions, partially embodied in our physical reactions. Seeing a sublime view of a landscape may give us a reaction of awe, which might manifest physically as an increased heart rate or widened eyes. These subconscious reactions may even be partly constitutive of what makes our judgment a judgment that the landscape is sublime.

Likewise, aesthetic judgments may be culturally conditioned to some extent. Victorians in Britain often saw African sculpture as ugly, but just a few decades later, Edwardian audiences saw the same sculptures as being beautiful. Evaluations of beauty may well be linked to desirability, perhaps even to sexual desirability. Thus, judgments of aesthetic value can become linked to judgments of economic, political, or moral value. We might judge a Lamborghini to be beautiful partly because it is desirable as a status symbol, or we might judge it to be repulsive partly because it signifies for us over-consumption and offends our political or moral values.

Aesthetic judgments can often be very fine-grained and internally contradictory. Likewise aesthetic judgments seem to often be at least partly intellectual and interpretative. It is what a thing means or symbolizes for us that is often what we are judging. Modern aestheticians have asserted that will and desire were almost dormant in aesthetic experience yet preference and choice have seemed important aesthetics to some 20th century thinkers. Thus aesthetic judgments might be seen to be based on the senses, emotions, intellectual opinions, will, desires, culture, preferences, values, subconscious behavior, conscious decision, training, instinct, sociological institutions, or some complex combination of these, depending on exactly which theory one employs.

Anthropology, especially the savanna hypothesis proposed by Gordon Orians and others, predicts that some of the positive aesthetics that people have are based on innate knowledge of productive human habitats. The Savanna hypothesis is confirmed by evidence. It had been shown that people prefer and feel happier looking at trees with spreading forms much more than looking at trees with other forms, or non-tree objects; also Bright green colors, linked with healthy plants with good nutrient qualities, were more calming than other tree colors, including less bright greens and oranges.

Monday, September 14, 2009

How to Hire a Contractor for Apartment Repair

When ever you are hiring a contractor for repair your apartment try to avoid some common mistakes. Recently I have hired a contractor to repair my San Diego apartment and I am extremely satisfied with his work. So before hiring a contractor first you know what you want. And every thing should be in writing because no one was drained their money. Also have clear schedule of the work so better to keep it in contract. You won’t pay the full amount before the completion of the project. Never hire the unlicensed contractors, they might work well but you couldn’t take any legal action against him so there may be chance to we lost the money.

Hire the first one in the phone book. Ask friends who had work done, or the owner of a hardware store. Find a recommendation based on a similar job to yours. Raise the penalties if they are not complete the work with in the schedule but consider the causes like natural delays. Thinking contracts will prevent problems. They help, but unreasonable people on either side of a contract can ignore them, or use "literal readings" to make things even worse. Find someone you can work with, and keep your eyes open.

Related Links:
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Monday, September 7, 2009

How is Golf played

Golf is the game in which a player using special clubs attempts to sink a small ball with as few strokes as possible into each of the 9 or 18 successive holes on an outdoor course. A hole includes (1) a teeing area, a clearing from which the ball is initially driven toward the actual hole, or cup; (2) a fairway, a long, closely mowed, and often angled lane; (3) a putting green, a smooth grassy area containing the hole; and (4) often one or more natural or artificial hazards (such as bunkers). Each hole has associated with it a par, or score standard, usually from par 3 to par 5. The origins of the game are difficult to ascertain. Although the evidence suggests early forms of golf were played in the Netherlands first and then in Scotland. Golf developed in Scotland — the courses were originally fields of grass that sheep had clipped short in their characteristic grazing style. Golf balls were originally made of wood; wood was replaced in the 17th century by boiled feathers stuffed in a leather cover, in the 19th century by gutta-percha, and in the 20th century by hard rubber. Clubs, limited in number to 14, are known by the traditional names of "irons" (primarily for mid-range to short shots) and "woods" (primarily for longer shots); today irons are more likely made of stainless steel, and the heads of woods are usually made of metal such as steel. The following are the two basic forms of playing golf:

In match play, two teams play each hole as a separate contest against each other. The party with the lower score wins that hole, or if the scores of both players and teams are equal the hole is "halved" (drawn). The party that wins more holes than the other wins the game.

In stroke play, every team counts the number of shots taken for the whole round or tournament to produce the total score and the player with the lowest score wins.